Bhubaneswar: In the complex political landscape of Uttar Pradesh, caste continues to negotiate its place with Hindutva, refusing to be entirely subsumed by the broader ideological tide. The year 2014 — when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved a historic sweep in the Lok Sabha elections — stands as an inflection point in the state’s post-Mandal political grammar.
For decades, UP’s politics had revolved around caste coalitions — a careful arithmetic of Yadavs, Dalits, and upper castes that shaped the rise of regional parties like the Samajwadi Party (SP) and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). The Mandal era (post-1990s) redefined identity politics, empowering backward classes and marginalized communities through representation and reservation.
However, 2014 brought a shift. Under Narendra Modi’s leadership, the BJP successfully re-engineered social identities by blending caste consciousness with a unifying Hindutva narrative — appealing to sub-castes within the OBCs and Dalits, while maintaining its upper-caste core. This marked a political realignment where religious identity began to overshadow caste divisions, at least electorally.
Yet, the caste question has not disappeared. It continues to assert itself in local elections, alliance formations, and community mobilization. Recent bypolls and the 2024 Lok Sabha results in UP suggest that non-Yadav OBCs and Dalit voters are recalibrating their political loyalties, evaluating tangible benefits over ideological symbolism.
“Hindutva may have provided a broad umbrella, but caste remains the ground reality of Uttar Pradesh’s politics,” says a Lucknow-based political analyst. “No party can afford to ignore it.”
As India heads toward another electoral cycle, the BJP’s challenge lies in maintaining the balance between caste coalitions and the overarching Hindutva identity, while opposition parties like the SP and BSP attempt to revive their traditional social bases.
The uneasy truce between caste and Hindutva continues — each shaping and reshaping the contours of power in India’s most politically consequential state.
Here’s a detailed feature-style piece on how 2014 was an inflection point in Uttar Pradesh’s post-Mandal political grammar, how caste dynamics played out in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, and what the emerging alignments suggest for future elections.
Caste and Hindutva: UP’s Political Grammar after 2014, Rewritten in 2024
Lucknow / New Delhi, Oct 2025:
Since the implementation of Mandal Commission policies in the early 1990s, caste realignment has driven much of Uttar Pradesh’s politics—giving rise to regional parties that built their base on caste coalitions (Yadavs, Kurmis, Dalits, etc.). But 2014 marked a watershed moment, when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), under Narendra Modi, captured the national imagination—not only through Hindutva identity but also by building strategic appeal among Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and non-upper castes.
Ten years later, the 2024 Lok Sabha elections showed that caste remains deeply relevant, and caste identity is negotiating with ideological identity, not yielding to it.
2014: Inflection Point in Post-Mandal UP
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Hindutva becomes central: The BJP in 2014 used a combination of nationalistic messaging, strong central leadership, and governance promises to cut across traditional caste barriers. This began the erosion of absolute caste-based voting blocs that had been dominated by SP and BSP.
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OBC and Dalit outreach: Modi’s campaign and subsequent governance increasingly targeted welfare schemes, social engineering (e.g. inclusion of non-Yadav OBCs), and showing upper-caste solidarity with those schemes. This placed upper castes and dominant OBC sub-castes in new alignments.
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Decline of BSP’s dominance among Dalit votes and fragmentation among OBC subgroups began to be visible. The 2014 wave was the start of this reconfiguration.
What 2024 Revealed: Reinforcement, Backlash, and New Alignments
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INDIA bloc’s rise among OBC, Dalit, and Minority groups
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In 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the SP-Congress alliance (INDIA bloc) made strong gains in UP by appealing to non-Yadav OBCs and non‐Jatav Dalits. The survey data indicates BJP lost share among Kurmi-Koeris (a key non-Yadav OBC group) and among non-Jatav Dalits compared to previous elections. India Today+2The Economic Times+2
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For instance, social surveys found significant losses in BJP vote share from non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits, pointing to disaffection among these communities. India Today+1
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Changing Candidate and Representation Matrix
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The parties contested seats with more OBC, Dalit, and Muslim candidates in 2024. The INDIA bloc fielded more candidates from these communities overall, which boosted their appeal among marginalized groups. The Wire+2India Today+2
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Meanwhile, the BJP, despite being seen historically as upper-caste dominant in leadership, has attempted to maintain caste balance in its cabinets and ticket distributions—though with mixed success. There has been criticism for underrepresentation of non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits within its upper echelons. India Today+1
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Major Symbolic Victories and Shifts
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A notable outcome in 2024 was the win of Chandrashekhar Azad (Azad Samaj Party) from the Nagina seat, a reserved Dalit constituency. This was symbolic not only for his substantial victory margin but also for the fact that traditional Dalit loyalties (primarily with BSP) seemed to have shifted. mint
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SP’s own MP tally from OBC, Dalit, and Muslim backgrounds was high (over 86% of SP’s MPs from these groups) indicating that the strategy of emphasizing PDA (Pichhda, Dalit, Alpsankhyak) resonated deeply. The Economic Times+1
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BJP’s vote share drop and cause
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BJP’s performance in UP in 2024 was below its 2019 high. Analysts point to several causes: dissatisfaction among non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits, unemployment, governance concerns, and perhaps fatigue among segments who felt promises had not translated into outcomes. India Today+1
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The RSS also reportedly reflected on a breach in its traditional Dalit/OBC vote bank and recognized the need to do outreach among these communities. India Today
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How Caste and Hindutva Bargain in UP Politically
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“PDA vs Agda / Hindutva & Agda” narratives: Opposition campaigns (SP & Congress) have embraced PDA (Backward, Dalit, Minority) identity, positioning themselves as defenders of marginalized castes. BJP on its part has tried to redefine or adapt these identities—emphasizing social engineering, caste balance, and inclusive symbolism (e.g., retaining or giving tickets or ministerial posts to people from OBC/Dalit communities), while keeping Hindutva at the ideological core.
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Upper caste consolidation remains: Despite losses elsewhere, upper castes (Brahmins, Thakurs, etc.) largely continued to vote for BJP / NDA in 2024, providing the party with a stable base. But they are not enough alone anymore, especially in seats where OBC / Dalit votes are decisive.
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Non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits as swing voters: These communities, which had felt left out of both SP-BSP dominance and BJP upper-caste advance, have emerged as swing segments. Parties that manage to show representation, promises of welfare or inclusion are now more likely to win their support.
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Candidate selection & representation matters: The alignment of candidate caste background with the local caste demography (who people are in the constituency) played an increasing role. Parties that were able to field candidates from non-Yadav OBCs or non-Jatav Dalits in seats where those groups are numerically strong saw better performance.
Implications for the Future: 2025-2027 and Beyond
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As UP gears for the 2027 Assembly elections, caste arithmetic will likely become even more central. BJP seems aware of its losses and is expected to intensify caste balancing in its leadership and ticket allocation. We already see hints of this in the selection of state party presidents and shifts in portfolios. The Times of India+1
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The INDIA bloc (SP-Congress) will likely continue focusing heavily on PDA identity, increasing symbolic and material outreach to non-Yadav OBCs, non-Jatav Dalits, and minorities—arguably as their path to expanding beyond their traditional core bases.
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Upper castes might remain loyal to BJP or NDA, but their influence in close contests will depend on whether the party continues to offer visible representation and whether they perceive that non-upper caste groups are being included fairly.
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Welfare delivery, local governance, job creation, and caste dignity (no neglect or hostility to Dalits or OBCs) will be crucial. Caste identity alone may not be sufficient without real policy outcomes.
Conclusion
The era that began with Mandal politics was reshaped by 2014 into one where Hindutva can no longer ignore caste. The 2024 Lok Sabha elections confirmed that caste remains a potent and unresolved force in Uttar Pradesh politics—not in its old form, but in reconfigured alliances, shifting loyalties, and electoral strategies that must now constantly negotiate between ideology and identity.
Uttar Pradesh has entered a phase where caste and Hindutva coexist not as mutually exclusive forces, but as competitive, sometimes clashing, partners. For political parties, success will depend on how well they manage this delicate bargain in the years ahead.
-OdishaAge
